PUB - Publikationen an der Universität Bielefeld

This article presents novel evidence for cyclic wh-movement. Two experiments show that the question-sensitive particle denn in German is more readily accepted when occurring in an independent interrogative clause than in a dependent clause embedded in a wh-question. Importantly, however, acceptance of denn in a dependent clause increases significantly when a wh-phrase has been moved out of that clause. We argue that denn is locally licensed by an interrogative Force head. In dependent clauses, this licensing can be mediated by long wh-movement leaving a transient representation of interrogative force in Spec,CP. Without such a mediating trace in Spec,CP, the licensing of the particle fails. In conclusion, denn in a dependent clause indicates cyclic wh-movement.